Waytha, choosing between Ravana and Rama matters

The last few days have been really very sad times for Malaysian Hindus, and especially those who belong to or associate with Hindraf.

I am not referring to the purported betrayal of Indian Malaysians by P Waythamoorthy, the leader of Hindraf, for signing a MOU with BN, nor his willingness to work with BN, nor his subsequent call to Indian Malaysians to return BN to power with a two-thirds majority.

There are enough letters and comments from the cyber-world and right-thinking Malaysians to condemn his latest decision in his avowed bid to uplift the Indian community.

Specifically, I am referring to Waythamoorthy's defence of the MOU wherein he had said it is inconsequential whether Ravana or Rama rules the country.

This is what has me - and, I believe, many other Hindus - really peeved with Waythamoorthy.

In effect, what Waythamoorthy meant was this: "I don't care who - bad or good - rules the country for as long as I get what I want."

Self-centred and short-sighted, he is prepared to gamble away the long-term welfare and well-being of Indian Malaysians for short-term gains.

The mother of all battles

IN the months leading up to the polls, the general sense that everyone had was that the Lembah Pantai battle between PKR's Nurul Izzah and Umno's Raja Nong Chik Raja Zainal Abidin would be the one to watch. Nothing would be more exciting.

Even when DAP's Lim Kit Siang announced he would be contesting in Johor, of all places, that in itself would not have eclipsed the Lembah Pantai contest.However, when Umno decided to field former Johor mentri besar Datuk Abdul Ghani Othman to defend Gelang Patah, it became THE contest to watch.

This is, to borrow a phrase from Saddam Hussein, "the mother of all battles" in GE13. No other contest involving any other national level leader would be this exciting. Not even close.

Most of us probably had not heard of Gelang Patah before this. Like many constituencies in Johor, it's a Barisan Nasional (BN) stronghold. Despite the fact that it has a slight Chinese majority demographic, it managed to withstand the political tsunami that swept through most of Peninsular Malaysia in 2008.

Gelang Patah was firmly in MCA's grip through four election cycles. In 2004, its candidate Tan Ah Eng had a whopping majority of more than 30,000 votes. Although her majority was decreased to slightly under 9,000 votes in 2008, it was still a comfortable margin. So, why is Kit Siang doing this? There are multiple reasons. One very basic one is to win a new parliamentary seat for DAP.

Local MIC leader, 103 members quit over BN’s backing of Zul Noordin

KUALA LUMPUR, April 23 — The MIC Shah Alam division’s vice chairman and 103 other members have quit the party over Perkasa vice president Datuk Zulkifli Noordin nomination as a Barisan Nasional (BN) candidate in the constituency.

The decision to field Zulkifli has earned the ruling coalition much criticism, not just due to his reputation as an Islamist hardliner via his position in the Malay rights advocacy group Perkasa, but also the recent controversies over his insults against the Hindu community.

“Reason number one is the choice of Zul Noordin as a candidate in Shah Alam. He spoke against the Indians,” C. Supayah, the division’s vice-chairman told The Malaysian Insider.

Zulkifli, a syariah lawyer and incumbent Kulim-Bandar Baharu MP, is the first person to be running under the flag of “Friends of Barisan Nasional” in the May 5 general election.

Malaysian Indians have been especially angered by his candidacy due to a video in which Zulkifli refers to them as “Keling”, which they consider derogatory, that went viral recently just days after another video was released in which he questioned the purity of the Ganges River, considered sacred by Hindus, and asked an Indian trader why Hindu gods did not prevent the man’s shop from being flooded.

Supayah also said that another reason for his resignation was BN’s failure to field a candidate against Perkasa president Datuk Ibrahim Ali, who is running independently, in the parliamentary constituency of Pasir Mas.

This has resulted in a straight fight for the constituency between Ibrahim and Nik Mohd Abduh Nik Abdul Aziz, son of the PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat.

“Doesn’t that mean Umno supports Perkasa?” said Supayah.

Like Zulkifli, Ibrahim is also known as a hardline Islamist, especially for his controversial calls for the burning of Malay-language bibles which contain the word “Allah”, which led to an uproar among the non-Muslim community.

Supayah said he also took issue with Umno Shah Alam chief Datuk Ahmad Nawawi Mohd Zin for leading the 2009 cow’s head protest against the construction of a Hindu temple in the Muslim-majority area.

He said his decision to quit the party was supported by friends and several other Indian leaders, though he refused to name them.

“Since I quit, I have got tremendous calls even from people I dont know, congratulating me on my decision.”

At a news conference in Shah Alam yesterday, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak told voters that Zulkifli was a champion of the Indian community.

“I’ve spoken to quite a number of Indians and they’re supporting him,” he told reporters at the Concorde Hotel.


Source : http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/local-mic-leader-103-members-quit-over-bns-backing-of-zul-noordin/

Mahabharata – Bahagian 29

Seorang demi seorang putera dari Kerajaan Kosla, Kalinga, Vanga dan sebagainya mula mengaku tewas dalam pertandingan kalah-mati yang diadakan di perkarangan istana Raja Kaasi.

Memang demikianlah tradisi swayamvaram (sayembara) di mana akhirnya puteri akan memilih sendiri putera yang paling perkasa dan berjaya menunjukkan ciri-ciri keperwiraan.

Bhisma ternyata mempunyai tenaga luar biasa serta teknik lawan pedang yang sukar ditandingi. Walaupun rambut dan janggutnya sudah beruban, putera Kerajaan Kuru dari Hastinapua itu masih tangkas dan perkasa.

Ketiga-tiga puteri yang duduk di atas singgahsana di sisi Raja Kaasi terpegun melihat keperwiraan dan ketangkasan Bhisma. Pada masa sama, mereka kurang berminat memberikan sokongan kepada putera itu kerana dia sudah tua.

Masakan mana-mana satu daripada puteri bernama Amba, Ambika dan Ambalika itu sanggup menjadi isteri kepada seorang putera yang sudah berusia.

Mereka pernah mendengar kisah mengenai Bhisma yang sebelum ini bernama Devavrata. Mana-mana puteri yang berfikiran rasional tahu bahawa sekiranya dia menjadi isteri kepada Bhisma, maka tidak ada sebarang harapan untuk menjadi permaisuri Kerajaan Kuru.

Malah, ketiga-tiga puteri itu tahu akan kisah Bhisma bersumpah dan berikrar untuk kekal bujang.

Waytha wants to be the new Samy, says Uthaya

In P Uthayakumar's campaign trail in Kota Raja, a big poster hangs outside of his office in the traditional Hindraf crimson theme with his face etched on it, reading ‘P Uthayakumar - One-man show since 1990.'

Uthayakumar, one of Hindu Rights Action Force's (Hindraf) founding members, has over the months remained largely quiet about his brother P Waythamoorthy's attempts to negotiate with both Pakatan Rakyat and BN over the Hindraf blueprint.

But his younger brother's act of signing a pact with and declaring support for BN last week and even urging Indians to return BN's two-thirds parliamentary majority has obviously riled Uthayakumar.

"Waytha is simply trying to become the next Samy Vellu (the ex-MIC president). He's the new emerging ‘mandore' (powerless messenger), who is (aiming) for the minister's post in Najib Abdul Razak's cabinet," he said without mincing his words.

He told Malaysiakini that he had never expected his younger brother to sign a pact with BN.

"I thought he was using BN as a leverage to get a deal with Pakatan," he said.

It's clear that Uthayakumar did not agreed with the direction Waythamoorthy was taking Hindraf, largely the former's brainchild since the turn of the millennium.

Burying the hatchet BN uses to hack Indian community

“Guess that's 31 pieces of silver you've got now, huh? Sleep well, Judas.”
- Mark Millar (Civil War)



COMMENT Hindraf chairperson P Waythamoorthy “admitted that there will be criticism over this deal, and acknowledged that some might accuse the movement of selling out", reported Malaysiakini.

Here let me put a name to that “some”. I am revolted, disgusted and repulsed by this so-called ‘deal’ Hindraf and Waythamoorthy have cooked up with Umno.

From day one, as a Pakatan Rakyat partisan, I made it clear that the only acceptable alternative was Pakatan even though I have been (and will continue to be) a vocal critic of my chosen ‘side’.

Meeting with Hindraf and Waythamoorthy (right) at the movement’s blueprint launch, I advocated support for Pakatan. After a meeting with PKR’s Chua Jui Meng that included Waythamoorthy, think-tank Centre for Policy Initiatives (CPI) director Lim Teck Ghee and I, we (Lim and I) campaigned for a continuing of talks with Pakatan.

In a subsequent meeting, with Waythamoorthy, we (Lim and I) advocated [again] our stand for making a pact with Pakatan.

Travelling to the temple in Rawang - where Waythamoorthy was carrying out his hunger strike - with Lim, we reiterated [yet again] that there could no discussion with Umno. And most recently at the Hindraf press conference on the state of their negotiations with either alliance, I conveyed to the so-called Hindraf leadership that it should be Pakatan or “vote as your conscience dictates.”

15 key seats to watch in GE13

As with any general election, contests in a handful of seats will be more widely watched than others due to personalities involved or local factors.

This time round, there are many colourful characters and interesting back stories involved in many contests.

Malaysiakini has gone through the available candidacy lists and is particularly interested in the following 15 contests:

Note: Actual candidacies will only be determined on nomination day. Thus candidacy information contained in this report is accurate only as of time of writing.

Putrajaya

Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor (Umno, incumbent) vs Husam Musa (PAS)

It appears that veteran Kelantanese lawmaker Husam Musa (left) is on a suicide mission in Putrajaya to prove a point - That PAS will not back down from a challenge and is serious about its ambitions to form the next federal government.

Standing in his way is Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor, the Umno secretary-general who won the seat with a 2,734-vote majority, a record-setting 51 percent of total votes cast, against a minnow from PAS.

Another obstacle is the fact that most of the electorate in this tiny constituency are civil servants, who are notoriously pro-BN and unwilling to bite the hand that feeds.

This time round, the Putrajaya electorate has increased from 6,608 to 15,798, an astounding 160 percent. How this will affect the voting trend will be keenly followed.

Gelang Patah

Abdul Ghani Othman (Umno) vs Lim Kit Siang (DAP)

A classic battle in the making offering plenty of uncertainties between a four-term menteri besar versus one of the longest serving opposition lawmaker.

For Abdul Ghani Othman (left, in photo), he is venturing into uncharted waters because the majority of Gelang Patah constituents are non-Malays, but he has his reputation as MB to back him up.

For Lim Kit Siang, he is facing his biggest opponent since beating Lim Chong Eu (Gerakan) in 1990. He is also contesting in a seat won by BN with a 8,851 majority (15 percent of total votes cast).

Win or lose, one of these two titans may face retirement on May 5.

Sungai Siput

Dr Michael Jayakumar Devaraj (PSM, incumbent) vs SK Devamany (MIC)

After many tries, Dr Michael Jayakumar finally managed to unseat then MIC president S Samy Vellu in 2008. This time round, the duo will still have to do battle as Samy Vellu has been actively campaigning for SK Devamany (right) there for weeks.

MIC is hoping that Samy Vellu's charm will still work among the electorate, as it had during the 11 terms he had held on to the seat.

However, Jayakumar has slowly but surely been expanding his influence in the constituency where he is known for social activism and his medical service.

Mahabharata – Bahagian 28

Akhirnya Vichitravirya mencapai usia yang sesuai untuk mengambil alih tampuk pemerintahan Kerajaan Hastinapura. Namun, ada suatu perkara yang perlu diselesaikan dahulu sebelum dia menjadi raja.

“Sudah sampai masanya untuk Vichitravirya berkahwin. Aku telah bersumpah dan berikrar tidak akan berkahwin. Kedudukan adik tiri aku pula adalah berbeza. Dia sudah ditabalkan sebagai raja Kerajaan Hastinapura tetapi sejak dahulu aku menjadi pemegang amanah kerana dia masih kanak-kanak.”

Demikian Bhisma berfikir pada suatu hari sambil melihat Vichitravirya berlatih lawan pedang di dewan. Putera itu sudah lewat remaja dan memang sesuai untuk mendirikan rumahtangga.

“Memang sesuailah jika dia dikahwinkan sekarang supaya akan ada waris nanti sebelum dia menjadi tua,” fikir Bhisma sambil mengurut-urut janggutnya yang sudah beruban.

Vichitravirya sentiasa sibuk dengan urusan latihan perang dan menimba ilmu untuk menjadi raja yang berpengetahuan. Dia tidak mahu menjadi raja pada nama sahaja. Dia mahu menjadi pemerintah pada ert kata yang sebenar.

Memandangkan putera itu sentiasa sibuk, maka Bhisma memutuskan untuk menguruskan sendiri kerja-kerja mencari puteri yang sesuai dikahwini oleh adik tirinya itu.

Kebetulan pada waktu itu, Raja Kerajaan Kaasi sedang menganjurkan swayamvaram
(sayembara/pertandingan) untuk memilih bakal suami bagi puterinya. Sebaik sahaja berita itu sampai kepada pengetahuan Bhisma, dia bergegas ke istana Raja Kaasi.

Sewaktu Bhisma tiba di istana berkenaan, beberapa putera yang muda, belia dan remaja berada di sana. Masing-masing mahu mencuba nasib dan beradu kekuatan untuk memiliki puteri yang jelita.

Putera dari Kerajaan Kosla, Kalinga, Vanga dan sebagainya seperti hilang semangat sebaik melihat kemunculan Bhisma yang gagah perkasa. Walaupun usianya sudah lanjut dan rambut beruban, Bhisma masih gagah dan memiliki tubuh yang sasa.

Tidak setakat itu, kehebatan dan keperwiraan putera berkenaan yang merupakan anak kepada Dewi Gangga tersebar luas ke seluruh benua. Maka, apabila Bhisma datang ke tempat sayembara diadakan, putera-putera lain sangat kecewa.

Pada sangkaan mereka, Bhisma datang untuk mencuba nasib memiliki puteri Raja Kaasi. Jika benarlah begitu, putera-putera lain pasti tidak ada apa-apa peluang untuk menang.

“Apakah putera keturunan Kuru dan Bharata ini sudah lupa diri? Bukankah pada suatu masa dahulu, dia membuat sumpah dan ikrar untuk tidak berkahwin?” Demikian bisik seorang pembesar kepada seorang lagi pembesar yang duduk di sisinya.

“Mungkin juga dia tidak mahu lagi membujang memandangkan bapanya iaitu Raja Santanu sudah mangkat. Mungkin dia tidak mahu terlepas peluang menikmati hidup berumahtangga sebelum terlewat,” kata seorang lagi sambil mengawal ketawa.

“Walau apa pun alasannya, Bhisma perlu sedar bahawa dia sudah tua. Cuba perhatikan puteri-puteri Raja Kaasi yang masih terlalu muda. Mustahil mereka akan bersetuju untuk menjadi isteri kepada seorang putera yang sudah tua seperti Bhisma.”

Masing-masing mengambil peluang untuk mendongak dan memandang ke arah singgahsana di mana Raja Kaasi duduk bersama-sama tiga orang puteri. Ketiga-tiganya memang sangat jelita dan pasti menjadi kegilaan ramai putera dari jauh dan dekat.

Kehadiran Bhisma ke sayembara bukan hanya menimbulkan rasa tidak puas hati dalam kalangan putera-putera lain dan para pembesar. Ketiga-tiga puterai jelita itu juga ternyata tidak senang melihat kedatangan Bhisma yang rambutnya sudah beruban.

Bagi Raja Kaasi pula, baginda tidak dapat menghalang penyertaan Bhisma dalam sayembara yang diadakan. Putera itu masih bujang serta memenuhi syarat dan kelayakan yang diperlukan. Tambahan pula, dia adalah anak kepada mendiang Raja Santanu dan juga pemegang amanah bagi pemerintahan Kerajaan Kuru di Hastinapura.

Sayembara berlangsung mengikut adat dan amalan diraja. Masing-masing putera beradu kekuatan bermain senjata. Ramai yang kalah dan pulang dengan penuh kecewa. Ramai yang bertungkus-lumus bertarung di arena kerana mahu memiliki salah seorang puteri jelita.


Source : http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/leisure/2013/04/14/mahabharata-%e2%80%93-bahagian-28/

Mahabharata – Bahagian 27

Chitrangada yang menunggu giliran untuk ditabalkan sebagai yuvaraja (raja muda) meninggal dunia di medan perang. Berita itu memeranjatkan pasangan Raja Santanu dan Permaisuri Satyavati.

Turut bersedih ialah Bhisma manakala Vichitravirya pula masih terlalu muda untuk memahami apa yang berlaku kepada abangnya.

“Ini memang suatu tragedi yang tidak diduga oleh seluruh penduduk Hastinapura. Chitrangada seorang putera yang disenangi ramai.”

Demikian kata-kata yang diucapkan rata-rata penduduk. Mereka maklum akan keberanian serta penglibatan Chitrangada dalam peperangan dengan beberapa wilayah lain. Namun, berita kematiannya benar-benar memeranjatkan mereka.

Walaupun Chitrangada dan Vichitravirya adalah adik tirinya, Bhisma tetap amat mengasihi mereka berdua sepenuh hati. Malah, Bhisma amat gembira serta merestui Chitrangada menjadi yuvaraja apabila tiba masanya.

Malang memang tidak berbau kerana Chitrangada gugur di medan perang. Jenazahnya dibawa pulang dan diuruskan mengikut adat dan budaya Hindu.

Tidak lama kemudian, kesihatan Santanu mula merosot. Baginda sedar bahawa hayatnya tidak akan bertahan lama. Maka, tampuk pemerintahan Kerajaan Hastinapura perlu diserahkan kepada pengganti yang benar-benar layak.

Vichitravirya masih terlalu muda untuk memahami tugas sebagai pemerintah; apatah lagi untuk memerintah sebuah kerajaan.

Satu-satunya pilihan terbaik yang ada tentulah Devavrata yang kini dikenali sebagai Bhisma. Sebagai seorang putera dan pahlawan, dia dilihat sebagai individu yang paling layak mengambil alih tampuk pemerintahan daripada ayahnya.

Walau bagaimanapun, Bhisma sudah pun bersumpah dan berikrar sebelum melepaskan jawatan yuvaraja yang dipegangnya pada suatu masa dahulu.

Bhisma sudah bersumpah bahawa putera yang dilahirkan oleh Satyavati akan menjadi raja muda dan seterusnya raja di Kerajaan Hastinapura. Bagi memastikan sumpah itu tidak tergugat jugalah Bhisma memutuskan untuk kekal bujang.

“Akan tetapi, apa yang akan berlaku sekarang? Raja Santanu sedang uzur dan sudah memutuskan untuk mencari pengganti. Kita tidak boleh menunggu terlalu lama,” kata salah seorang pegawai atasan di istana.

Santanu juga faham akan situasi sebenar serta dilema yang dialami oleh Bhisma. Baginda menghormati keputusan dan sumpah yang dilafazkan oleh puteranya kepada bapa Satyavati dahulu.

“Hayat ayahanda tidak lama. Suatu keputusan perlu dibuat sebelum terlambat. Kalau ayahanda pergi tanpa menamakan pengganti, kerajaan kita mungkin berdepan risiko serangan musuh. Atas sebab itulah ayahanda meminta kau bertolak-ansur sedikit,” kata Santanu kepada puteranya.

Namun begitu, Bhisma tetap dengan pendirian untuk tidak mengambil alih tampuk pemerintahan. Walaupun bapa Satyavati sudah meninggal dunia, Bhisma tetap mahu berpegang pada janjinya.

“Chitrangada sudah pergi meninggalkan kita. Vichitravirya masih terlalu muda. Jadi, siapa yang akan legasi kerajaan ini?” Satyavati pula bertanya dengan nada merayu. “Lupakanlah sumpah lama. Lakukanlah sesuatu demi masa depan Hastinapura.”

Akhirnya keputusan dan kata sepakat dicapai. Vichitravirya akan ditabalkan sebagai raja. Akan tetapi, memandangkan usianya yang masih terlalu muda, Bhisma akan menjadi pemegang amanah. Maknanya, Bhisma akan memerintah Kerajaan Hastinapura sehingga Vichitravirya mencapai umur yang sesuai untuk mengambil alih pemerintahan.

Tidak lama selepas itu, Santanu menghembuskan nafas terakhirnya dengan tenang. Seperti mana sudah dipersetujui dan disepakati, Bhisma memerintah kerajaan bagi pihak Vichitravirya. Pemerintahan dilakukan dengan adil dan saksama berpandukan undang-undang dan kitab-kitab veda yang menjadi panduan.

Bulan berganti bulan dan tahun berganti tahun. Bhisma terus memerintah sambil membimbing Vichitravirya mengenai cara-cara memerintah sebuah kerajaan. Segala ilmu yang ada pada Bhisma dikongsikan bersama-sama adik tirinya.

Akhirnya Vichitravirya mencapai usia yang sesuai untuk mengambil alih tampuk pemerintahan Kerajaan Hastinapura. Namun, ada suatu perkara yang perlu diselesaikan dahulu sebelum dia menjadi raja.


Source:http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/leisure/2013/04/07/mahabharata-%e2%80%93-bahagian-27/

From fixed deposits to kingmakers — Oh Ei Sun

APRIL 9 — Malaysia’s coming general election, widely characterised as a potential “watershed” event, will see many first-time voters play a decisive role in determining which way the country will go. Will they vote to retain the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition or opt for the opposition alliance, Pakatan Rakyat?

Carrying a critical weight in the outcome will be the east Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak.
Out of the 222 seats in Parliament, more than a quarter are in Sabah (with 25 seats) and Sarawak (31), leading some to label these states as kingmakers in the polls that are expected to be closely contested.

In Peninsular Malaysia, any potential loss by BN of its predominantly non-Bumiputera seats can be counterbalanced by gains in predominantly Bumiputera seats. This would give a net election result in Peninsular Malaysia like that in 2008, when BN only narrowly surpassed Pakatan. Had Sabah and Sarawak not brought in the 56 seats then, there could have been a change of government in Putrajaya.

THE SWING PHENOMENON

Sabah and Sarawak enjoy special rights distinct from other Malaysian states, such as state controls over immigration and land matters, as enshrined in the Malaysia Agreement of 1963 when Malaya, Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore formed Malaysia supposedly as equal partners.

The ties between the federal government and the two east Malaysian states were sometimes strained in the initial decades after the formation of Malaysia, as each side manoeuvred and tussled over rights and privileges in a new federation.

But as the state governments of Sabah and Sarawak have almost always been formed by BN component parties, the past few decades witnessed no serious contestations in federal-state relations.

This has in part led to the two east Malaysian states being hailed as fixed deposit states for BN, having consistently delivered the bulk of their parliamentary seats to the ruling coalition.

While the majority of the east Malaysian parliamentary seats are likely to return to BN in the coming elections, changes in popular sentiments and heightened awareness of popular rights could translate into an increase in the number of swing seats.

In other words, the slim voting majority could sway to either side of the political divide — what with the Lahad Datu episode throwing into the pot a new factor in unpredictability. It remains to be seen how this swing phenomenon will impact federal-state ties.

SARAWAK AND BN

In Sarawak, the chief minister, Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud, has been in power for more than 30 years. Under his rule, Sarawak remains the only BN-controlled state government that is not dominated by Umno, the largest BN component party nationwide. In fact, Umno does not even have a political presence in Sarawak.

It is widely understood that the political arrangement between Taib and Umno — and by extension, between Sarawak and the federal government in Putrajaya — is such that as long as Taib consistently delivers Sarawak to BN, his administration is given virtually a free hand to deal with state matters.

But the 2011 Sarawak state election saw Pakatan make significant political inroads, scooping up 15 (or 21 per cent) out of 71 state assembly seats. It is likely that in the upcoming general election, many non-Bumiputera and non-Muslim Bumiputera seats can be swung. As such, Sarawak BN should not count, as it did in the past, on the once almost-ironclad victories in these seats.

Assuming BN is retained as the federal government with a reduced majority because of fewer seats won in Sarawak, this would mean that Taib — and Sarawak BN — can still play the role of kingmaker. But the smaller number of parliamentary seats would mean fewer bargaining chips for Sarawak when it comes to dealing and negotiating with the federal government.

In such a scenario, Sarawak would need to play its political hand shrewdly after the polls to safeguard its rights and privileges.

SABAH’S COMPLICATED POLITICS

Sabah presents a slightly different scenario. Its government is dominated by Umno, and while the chief minister, Datuk Seri Musa Aman, has been in power for 10 years and has his own clever ways of preserving state rights and privileges, many political matters ultimately still have to be referred to the federal level.

The political dynamic in Sabah is such that political and often ideological delineation among parties or coalitions is not as marked or rigid as in Peninsular Malaysia or even Sarawak. For example, it would not come as a surprise at all to ordinary Sabahans if elected representatives from whichever camp choose to cross over to the winning side for reasons known only to themselves.

Indeed, the crossing of party lines by elected representatives is both frequent and commonplace in Sabah, but this does not seem to tarnish in the slightest the reputation or electability of the representatives. Musa has led Sabah BN to two overwhelming election victories at both federal and state levels, but defections from BN over the last few years have eroded the number of BN seats.
In recent years also, sentiments over state rights or state sovereignty have reportedly been on the rise in Sabah.

But these have been overshadowed by the recent intrusion into Sabah by southern Filipinos and the consequent need for national unity in times of distress. In any case, the state opposition, which continues to be caught up in internal disagreements over the allocation of seats, has yet to fully capitalise on any changed sentiment.

Ultimately, federal-state relations between Sabah and Putrajaya are unlikely to be strongly affected one way or the other in the near future, as the state winner will still have to work with the federal government for development needs in the state.

In the coming general election, Sabah and Sarawak are no longer fixed deposits for BN; they are poised to assume their crucial roles as kingmakers. This will inevitably alter their bargaining positions in the contest of federal-state relations, with the states hoping to secure a more equitable footing.

Assuming it is returned to power, it will be interesting to see how an Umno-led BN will deal with the changed landscape. — Today


Source :http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/sideviews/article/from-fixed-deposits-to-kingmakers-oh-ei-sun/

End of the era of egomaniacal leaders?

COMMENT Former British prime minister Margaret Thatcher died yesterday. Within minutes, Facebook and Twitter were buzzing. Almost everyone old enough to remember her when she was PM said in unison that her death was “the end of an era”.

Those who know of her only from the recent Academy Award-winning film based upon her life have also huddled irrationally together “to express their sympathy” for someone they have never met or even heard of until very recently.

This phenomenon of missing someone whom we do not know personally is a by-product of the influence of the mass media on our lives. Social networking has made this effect more pervasive, creating group identities.

This new situation means that leaders have to be celebrities to win elections.
That was why Najib Abdul Razak asked Malaysians whether we trusted him or Anwar. He was addressing young voters, who will decide if BN claws back its two-thirds majority.

The politician as celebrity started with Thatcher, one of the world’s most ‘constructed’ leaders. Her global image was as coiffured as her hair. Nothing was left to chance and there was no time to spare in her sprint to transform herself into a celebrity prime minister. The first woman British PM, she led the way with Barack Obama as her media savvy heir.

The mother of all elections — Yang Razali Kassim

APRIL 8 — Malaysia’s most crucial general election (GE) in decades will be a titanic battle between two leaders for whom the polls will also be a referendum on their respective political futures.

Once close allies in Umno, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak and Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim will clash directly for the first time in an electoral test of wills and skills — after having gone separate ways, carried by the tide of hard-knock politics.

Who between them will go on to lead the country, and who will be consigned to history, will be known only after the 13th GE is fought and concluded. Indeed, Najib is turning this into a referendum on his leadership, offering himself as the true visionary leader — and not Anwar nor PAS chief Datuk Hadi Awang — deserving of the people’s mandate.

The big question is whether GE13 will be conclusive, given the monumental fight ahead, and whether there will follow a period of uncertainty, if not instability, and what this will mean for Malaysia and the region.

It is significant that on the day Parliament was dissolved, April 3, both Najib and Anwar gave assurances of a smooth and peaceful transition of power regardless of the outcome.

PAKATAN AND ANWAR

Unlike previous GEs, it has been unusually difficult to predict with confidence the winner for this one, though most agree it will be very closely and bitterly fought, and the margin of victory likely wafer-thin.

Various opinion polls have been projecting narrow wins. While most project a slim victory for Barisan Nasional (BN), predictions of an opposition win have also surfaced. One such instance floated by the chief economist of the government-linked Bank Islam led to his immediate suspension. It shows just how potentially explosive GE13 has become.

Winds of change in lingo and landscape

The lingo of Malaysian politicians from both sides of the political divide has changed dramatically. The intra-party chemistry among the folks in the federal government and also the opposition has undergone a major change.

And let’s not even start talking about the political landscape as the two warring sides prepare to battle it out in the 13th general election (GE13), probably the most defining polls since the Malayan general election of 1955.

Lingo

One cannot but notice how the language of politicians from both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat has changed over the last five years. GE12, or the 2008 GE, brought to the fore new vocabularies in them.

Formed in 1973 as the successor to the Alliance (Parti Perikatan), BN has been ruling Malaya and then Malaysia uninterrupted since 1957. It has never experienced defeat at the federal level.

Here is where the power resides. BN has had it all the time. Members of BN coalition like Umno and MCA had always talked nothing short of an outright victory. Never once in the recent past did they even consider defeat.

That is now history. No less than Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak himself had spoken on a number of occasions that BN may lose at the next polls.

That lingo has worked its way down the party leadership. Ministers and other party leaders of the powerful coalition had followed suit.

They had warned their respective party members that the ruling coalition could face defeat at GE13.

Perhaps it was more to serve as a wake-up call to their members to double up their efforts to ensure a decisive victory. Nevertheless, the lingo has changed.

On the other side of the track, the so-called political tsunami of GE12 has emboldened the leaders from the Pakatan trio (PKR, PAS, DAP). They are now talking about capturing Putrajaya.

They have their hearts set on the federal throne itself.

This is a far cry from just a few GEs ago. Back then, the loudest cry would have been to deny BN its two-thirds majority in the Parliament. There was never any talk about capturing the federal government.

It was simply to win enough seats to deny the ruling coalition party from having a free hand in amending the Federal Constitution.

The only two occasions when the combined opposition was able to deny the ruling party the two-thirds majority in Parliament were in 1969 and 2008.

Landscape

The landscape has also changed. Malaysia has perhaps not witnessed so much politicking as it has seen in the last five years. Sometimes, it seems that campaigning never really stopped after GE12.

On the ground, the tone of discussions at the teh tarik stalls and at investment forums have been more open, more direct. Lately, you could hear people being more open about their political leanings.

Of course, social media has given wings to the discussions. It makes it possible for the man on the streets to exchange views with thousands out there. They no longer have to depend on newspapers and television channels, bearers of news in the olden days.

Chemistry

Another major difference this time around is the chemistry between the leaders of the opposition pact.They have certainly come a long way from their early days of being suspicious of each other.

Back then, the Islamic-bent PAS and the Chinese-majority DAP could not work out their differences. How do you ignore “over my dead body” remark by DAP supremo Karpal Singh on PAS’ dream of establishing an Islamic state?

The differences exist. They could one day blow up and break up the Pakatan pact.

For now, though, the opposition leaders from PAS, DAP and PKR have stuck together since the 2008 GE.

Under the leadership of Anwar Ibrahim, they have kept pushing the envelope of the local political scene. This surely poses a challenge to Najib and his troops as they march into the final lap of the campaigning for GE13.


Source : http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2013/04/05/winds-of-change-in-lingo-and-landscape/

Mahabharata – Bahagian 26

Sebaik sahaja Devavrata bersumpah atas nama Tuhan Yang Maha Kuasa, komuniti nelayan yang berkumpul di rumah bapa Satyavati tahu bahawa putera berkenaan akan berpegang pada ikrar yang dilafazkan.

Ketua komuniti nelayan juga berpuas hati dengan jaminan yang diberikan. Tambahan pula, dewa-dewi di kayangan sendiri melaungkan “Bhisma! Bhsima! Bhisma!” dari langit sebagai bukti bahawa Devavrata akan akur pada janji untuk tidak berkahwin sampai bila-bila.

Mulai saat itu jugalah Devavrata dikenali sebagai Bhisma. Putera itu membawa Satyavati pulang ke istana Kerajaan Kuru di Hastinapura. Kepulangannya disambut dengan penuh meriah.

Raja Santanu terasa amat terharu, gembira, teruja dan berterima kasih atas tindakan puteranya. Tentulah pada mulanya baginda tidak tahu tentang sumpah dan ikrar yang dilakukan oleh Devavrata.

Dipendekkan cerita, majlis perkahwinan Santanu dan Satyavati berlangsung dalam keadaan meriah. Dahulu, rakyat jelata di Hastinapura dan seluruh isi istana tidak sedikit pun mempersoalkan identiti Gangga yang dibawa pulang dan dikahwini oleh Santanu.

Kemudian, mereka juga tidak bertanya apa-apa apabila tujuh putera hilang secara misteri beberapa hari sahaja selepas dilahirkan. Putera kelapan juga hilang bersama-sama ibunya. Beberapa tahun kemudian, putera itu dibawa pulang oleh Santanu ke istana dan dipanggil Devavrata.

Rakyat jelata dan isi istana tidak mempersoalkan apa-apa. Apabila nama Devavrata ditukar kepada Bhsima, mereka akur sepenuhnya. Memang demikianlah kuasa yang dimiliki oleh pemerintah dan demikianlah sikap rakyat yang sudah terlalu biasa menerima sahaja apa-apa keputusan yang dibuat oleh golongan pemerintah.

Tidak lama selepas Santanu memperisterikan Satyavati, permaisuri itu melahirkan seorang putera yang diberi nama Chitrangada. Ternyata walaupun sudah tua, raja itu masih mampu menjadi bapa.

Ketika Chitrangada berusia sekitar enam tahun, lahir pula seorang lagi putera yang dinamakan sebagai Vichitravirya. Bhisma menerima kehadiran kedua-dua adik tirinya dengan gembira. Seluruh kasih sayang dicurahkan kepada Chitrangada dan Vichitravirya.

“Dia tidak cemburukah terhadap kedua-dua putera yang dilahirkan oleh Satyavati?” Demikian beberapa orang bangsawan berbisik-bisik sesama sendiri di luar istana.

“Kenapa pula? Bukankah Bhisma menyayangi mereka sepenuh hati?”

“Tujuh putera lahir sebelum Devavrata yang kini dikenali sebagai Bhisma. Namun, Bhisma yang cukup bertuah dan berpeluang menjadi yuvaraja. Tetapi Bhisma melepaskan jawatan penting itu demi memastikan ayahnya iaitu Raja Santanu boleh mengahwini Satyavati.”

“Apa salahnya? Bhisma tidak dipaksa oleh sesiapa. Dia sendiri yang mengambil keputusan itu,” kata seorang lagi yang menyertai sesi perbualan dalam kalangan bangsawan itu.

“Bayangkan! Walaupun sudah dewasa dan memiliki tubuh yang tegap dan wajah yang tampan serta menjadi kegilaan ramai gadis, Bhisma tetap mahu kekal sebagai brahmachari.”

“Raja Santanu sudah pun mengahwini Satyavati dan mereka sudah pun ada dua putera. Tidak bolehkah Bhisma membatalkan janjinya untuk kekal bujang? Lagi pun, sampai bila dia boleh hidup sendiri tanpa pasangan untuk menguruskan segala keperluan?”

Perbualan tidak rasmi dalam kalangan bangsawan itu disertai ketawa penuh makna. Perbincangan topik sama juga mula berlangsung dalam kalangan orang ramai. Kisah-kisah yang berlaku dalam kalangan pemerintah tidak lagi menjadi topik tabu yang tidak boleh diperkatakan oleh rakyat jelata. Sekurang-kurangnya dalam kalangan mereka sendiri.

“Kita lihatlah sampai bila Bhisma akan berpegang pada sumpahnya.”

“Kita lihat juga sama ada Bhisma akan terus berdiam diri apabila Chitrangada ditabalkan sebagai raja muda apabila tiba masanya. Tambahan pula, usia Raja Santanu semakin lanjut.”

Tidak lama kemudian, penduduk Hastinapura dan seluruh isi istana dikejutkan dengan suatu berita yang memeranjatkan.


Source : http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/leisure/2013/03/31/mahabharata-%e2%80%93-bahagian-26/